From humble beginnings in the 1930s and 1970s respectively, the ABC and SBS have grown into strong media presences in Australia. The ABC is funded solely by the Australian government, and the SBS is funded by a combination of government funds and advertising revenue. As such, both broadcasters are the subject of much debate among parliamentarians and certain sectors of commercial media as to whether this financial arrangement is in the best interests of the Australian people. While the ABC and SBS have their detractors, there are no other institutions in Australia that uphold Australian values to the level that these two broadcasters do.
Some years ago, the Department of Home Affairs published a document outlining Australian values. Some argue that such a document is an attempt to bring about harmony in the community — others see it as an attempt at homogenisation of what it means to be Australian. Either way, it lists values that the Australian government, and probably a large section of the Australian community, think are important to this country. But here’s the irony: the people that hold these values most dear are, quite often, the ones screaming for the privatisation of the ABC and SBS, the two institutions that most strongly support and uphold the values that political conservatives say are so important. No commercial broadcasters would invest in Australian content to the extent that the ABC and SBS do, simply because it is less profitable. Without these broadcasters, we would be fed a diet of nothing more than reality TV and second-rate American sitcoms — the broadcasting equivalent of Maccas and KFC for breakfast, lunch and dinner.
According to the DHA, a key Australian value is respect for democracy. It has long been understood that a “crucial function of the press [is] in supplying the space for democratic debate to occur”. However, when news is delivered by commercial entities, the line between public and corporate interests can blur, potentially compromising the “space for democratic debate.” Eminent 20th Century thinkers Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman describe private media ownership as the ‘propaganda model’ of news, an illustrative term these eminent thinkers use to describe the hidden motivations that underpin reporting in commercial news organisations. The majority of news in Australia is delivered by commercial broadcasters and publishers, a club that is becoming increasingly concentrated. Media broadcasting is expensive, and the costs “preclude all but the wealthy from setting up in the media business” (Edgeley, 2000, p 154). These barriers to entry make it difficult for emerging voices to reach the large audiences enjoyed by the large networks. This is not necessarily detrimental to the quality of news journalism, however Chomsky and Herman argue that the economic interests of commercial media organisations, which rely solely on advertising revenue, inevitably influence news content, an influence which has the potential to damage the integrity of publicly available information, and hence the democratic process.
Often, advertisers’ influence on news content is subtle, but there are instances when commercial networks have screened news stories that are in fact thinly-disguised ‘puff pieces,’ such as a 2014 story on Channel 9’s A Current Affair that was promoted as a “special consumer investigation” (Mediawatch, 2014). “[Media analyst Steve] Allen believes that Nine would be using stories like this to woo Woolies and Kmart into advertising on the network. Or rewarding them for doing so… Woolworths spent a whopping $7.5 million with Nine in the three months to July, compared to $5.1 million with Seven and only $2.1 million with Ten” (Mediawatch, 2014). Where a commercial arrangement exists, news content and journalistic integrity are for sale. Their priority is not information, but profit. And if such a compromise can occur with a supermarket, what’s to stop it happening with political parties? The political bias in Newscorp papers and on Sky News isn’t even camouflaged any more, but the biases of all commercial broadcasters are equally for sale.
The ABC, conversely, has a “unique national responsibility to provide a public good to citizens” (Schultz, 2015), which, according to most Australians, they uphold (Meade, 2018). While the SBS is partially funded by advertising revenue, its significant government funding means its financial viability is not solely reliant on the network’s relationship with advertisers. Most of the time, measuring the effects that commercial and political interests have on news content is a difficult undertaking, however there is at least a perception in Australia that the ABC and SBS are more trusted news sources than their commercial counterparts (Roy Morgan, 2018). The main factors behind the distrust of commercial broadcasters are concerns over accuracy, bias, sensationalised news, and commercial and/or political agendas (Roy Morgan, 2018), findings which support Chomsky and Herman’s theory of the ‘propaganda model.’ While the ABC and SBS are the most trusted news broadcasters in Australia, approximately one in five Australians believe the ABC has a left-wing bias (Essential Research, 2015). Despite this, independent research has consistently found ABC news to be, on the whole, either neutral or, if anything, slightly biased towards the conservative side of politics (Mansillo, 2014).
Whereas commercial news broadcasters are accountable only to their shareholders, the ABC and SBS are legally bound by their charters which direct that the broadcasters be accurate and balanced in news reporting (Australian Government, 2018; Australian Government, 2020). The Australian Parliament has held various inquiries into both public broadcasters, and the ABC itself conducts regular accuracy and bias audits of its content. Additionally, both public broadcasters are criticised regularly by other sectors of the news media (Bolt, n.d.; Sheridan, 2020), however, as Myra Gurney (2017) notes in her analysis of NewsCorp commentator Andrew Bolt’s remarks on the ABC, this criticism often does not stand up to scrutiny: “The ABC is regularly derided by Bolt for its ‘leftist bias’ and in particular its failure to give equal time to ‘sceptics’ in its reporting, a claim not supported by regular audits of ABC content” (Gurney, 2017).
Another long-established example of the ABC’s ‘public good’ is their commitment to cultural and educational programming, which are both required under the ABC Charter. Cornerstones of the ABC’s programming, it can be argued that both cultural and educational broadcasting by the ABC provides enormous ‘public good.’ The type of early childhood programming that the ABC is well-known for has been proven to benefit pre-schoolers both intellectually and socially (Baydar, Kağitçibaşi, Küntay & Gökşen, 2008). This content delivers education to children who may not have the benefit of formal pre-school education. The ABC broadcasts approximately 1,400 hours per annum of pre-school content, which is more than ten times the quota that commercial networks are obligated to broadcast (ABC 2018, p. 22). Likewise, the ABC’s contribution to Australian culture is unique among broadcasters. Actor Magda Szubanski called the ABC “the soul of this nation”, and in 2012, then-chairman James Spiegelman called the ABC “our most important, single cultural institution”. These assertions may be well founded, with the ABC reaching up to 70% of Australians most weeks. As well as reflecting our culture back to us, the ABC and SBS also exposes Australians diverse local and international content, a diversity not seen on other Australian broadcasters.
Another of these values that the Department of Home Affairs thinks we should all embrace is an appreciation for the arts (DHA, 2018, pp. 44–45). Unlike commercial broacasters, support for the arts is stipulated in the ABC charter. The arts contributes more than $3 billion annually to Australia’s GDP and over 25,000 full-time jobs. Because television broadcasters are “the leading financial backers for Australian TV drama” (SBS, 2017), the commitment by the ABC in particular to screening Australian content provides crucial funding and a large audience for the arts sector. Sixty-nine percent of content on the primary ABC television channel is Australian, far higher than the 55% quota set for commercial channels (ABC 2018, p. 18). SBS’s Australian content is somewhat lower at around 44% (SCCA 2017, p 42), due in part to SBS’s function of providing multilingual content (SBS 2020), much of which is produced internationally. The SBS charter does not stipulate a quota for Australian content, rather that it must “make use of Australia’s diverse creative resources” (Australian Government, 2020). However, SBS’s multilingual focus is not the only factor contributing to their lower level of local content. Advertising was introduced to SBS in 1991 in order to fund more Australian content, however it has been claimed that advertising revenues have been inadequate to meet that objective (Save Our SBS, 2018, pp 16–17), and that additional funding is required in order for SBS to broadcast more Australian content.
Another value that the DHA thinks we should all hold dear is a healthy respect for multiculturalism (DHA, 2018, p. 69). Since the 1970s, Australian governments have implemented policies to make our society inclusive for Australians from all backgrounds. While the ABC is obligated to merely represent multiculturalism in its offering (Australian Government, 2018), multilingual and multicultural content is the core component of SBS’s charter (Australian Government, 2020). SBS’s programming is unique in Australia, and meets a need that other networks do not fill. Representation of ethnic groups in mass media “is vitally important for the social integration of ethnic minorities” (Trebbe & Schoenhagen, 2011). Thus, the foreign content broadcast by SBS is not simply filling a niche for obscure imported cinema, but is a vital element in creating an inclusive, engaged multicultural society in line with governmental policy, an element which is not emulated on any other Australian broadcaster.
Despite the significant criticism the ABC and SBS continually, particularly from right wing media, it is imperative that ongoing funding of the ABC and SBS by the Australian government is maintained and even increased in order for them to fulfil vital roles for Australia. The contribution both networks make to Australian democracy through quality reporting is unparalleled in the Australian media landscape. Additionally, both networks provide ‘public good’ for the Australian people in countless other ways. Not only are these institutions vital to the “soul of this nation” (Puvanenthiran, 2018), but they consistently uphold values which the Australian government itself admits are integral to Australia, values which would be sorely missed should the current funding model be diminished in any way.
References
ABC (2018). The cost of being the ABC. http://www.abc.net.au/cm/lb/9944818/data/the-cost-of-being-the-abc-data.pdf
ABC (n.d.). ABC History. https://about.abc.net.au/abc-history/
Australian Government (2018). Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act 1983. Federal Register of Legislation. https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2018C00079
Australian Government (2020). Special Broadcasting Service Act 1991. Federal Register of Legislation. https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2020C00042
Baydar, N., Kağitçibaşi, &., Küntay, A., & Gökşen, F. (2008). Effects of an educational television program on preschoolers: Variability in benefits. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 29(5), 349–360.
Bolt, A (nd). The Bolt Report [video file]. https://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/national/the-abc-no-longer-even-pretends-to-be-balanced/video/350be6f22f992ba89f628133484a258b
Department of Home Affairs [DHA] (2018). Australian Citizenship: Our Common Bond. https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/citizenship-subsite/files/our-common-bond.pdf
Edgley, A. (2000). The social and political thought of Noam Chomsky.
Eltham, B (2018, Nov 29). How much should the ABC be investing in Australian arts and culture? Crikey.https://www.crikey.com.au/2018/11/29/how-much-should-the-abc-be-investing-in-australian-arts-and-culture/
Essential Research (2015). ABC Bias. Essential Report. https://essentialvision.com.au/abc-bias
Godinho, L. (2018). Ideological Production in the Era of Global Media Capitalism. Janus.Net: E-Journal of International Relations, 9(1), 15–37.
Gurney, M. (2017). ‘The great moral challenge of our generation’ : The language, discourse and politics of the climate change debate in Australia 2007–2017.
Holmes, J (2019, 10 March). Bias, balance and the ABC: Is there anything for people on the right? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/media/2019/mar/10/bias-balance-and-the-abc-is-there-anything-for-people-on-the-right#_=_
House of Representatives Standing Committee on Communication and the Arts. (2017). Report on the inquiry into the Australian film and television industry. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia.https://www.australiacouncil.gov.au/workspace/uploads/files/news/arts-nation-report_final_040315.pdf
Jolly, R (2014). The ABC: An Overview. Parliament of Australia.https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1415/ABCoverview#_Toc395086095
Lidberg, J. (2019). The distortion of the Australian public sphere: Media ownership concentration in Australia. AQ: Australian Quarterly, 90(1), 12–20,44.
Mansillo, L. (2014, Feb 6). Is the ABC biased and inefficient? Here’s what the data says. The Guardian.https://www.theguardian.com/media/datablog/2014/feb/06/australian-broadcasting-corporation-australia
Meade, A (2018, May 14). Majority of voters oppose budget cut to ABC funding — poll. The Guardian.https://www.theguardian.com/media/2018/may/14/majority-of-voters-oppose-budget-cut-to-abc-funding-poll
Mediawatch (2014, Sep 1). Undercover ads. https://www.abc.net.au/mediawatch/episodes/undercover-ads/9973426
Pascoe, M (2018). Why we should be boosting ABC funding, not cutting it. The New Daily.https://thenewdaily.com.au/finance/finance-news/2018/05/14/abc-funding-cuts/
Pearson, M., & Polden, Mark, author. (2015). The journalist’s guide to media law : A handbook for communicators in a digital world (5th ed.).
Puvanenthiran, B (2018, Nov 29). Welcome to our new series: What is the ABC for? Crikey.https://www.crikey.com.au/2018/11/29/welcome-to-our-new-series-what-is-the-abc-for/
Roy Morgan (2018). ABC most trusted, Facebook most distrusted. http://www.roymorgan.com/findings/7641-media-net-trust-june-2018-201806260239
Save Our SBS (2018). Australian content on broadcast, radio and streaming services submission 23. https://www.aph.gov.au/DocumentStore.ashx?hearingid=28611&submissions=true
SBS (2015). A brief history of SBS. https://www.sbs.com.au/news/a-brief-history-of-sbs
SBS (2017). SBS submission to the inquiry into the Australian film and television industry. https://www.sbs.com.au/aboutus/sites/sbs.com.au.aboutus/files/5_final_-_special_broadcasting_service_-_inquiry_into_the_film_and_tv_industry_submission_-_12_april_2017.pdf
SBS (2020). SBS Charter. https://www.sbs.com.au/aboutus/sbs-charter
Schultz, J (2015, Aug 24). You’ll miss it when it’s gone: why public broadcasting is worth saving. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/youll-miss-it-when-its-gone-why-public-broadcasting-is-worth-saving-45300
Sheridan, G (2020, Apr 16). ABC’s groupthink on George Pell a sin against journalism. The Australian. https://www.theaustralian.com.au/commentary/abcs-groupthink-on-george-pell-a-sin-against-journalism/news-story/ba3a43fe6ca1d4625a3857884dfaad2c
Spiegelman, J. (2012). The role of the ABC in Australian culture. https://about.abc.net.au/speeches/the-role-of-the-abc-in-australian-culture/
Stockwell, Stephen. (1999). Beyond the fourth estate: Democracy, deliberation and journalism theory. Australian Journalism Review, 21(1), 37–49.
Trebbe, J., Schoenhagen, P. Ethnic Minorities in the Mass Media: How Migrants Perceive Their Representation in Swiss Public Television. Int. Migration & Integration 12, 411–428 (2011)